Feaver's distinctions between "military waking up POTUS" and "POTUS waking up military" makes for useful thought experiments.
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Shaheen: can you come up with any construct that limits presidential decision making without undermining deterrence? McKeon: bad cases make for bad law. Shouldn't change policy bc don't trust this POTUS.
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Feaver says academics have some ideas. Anyone know what he's referring to? (Also, he's really excited about upgrading NC3.)
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Also, I believe Sen Shaheen is the first female voice we've heard in two hours.
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None of the panelists recommends legislative changes.
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Kehler reminds committee that the military doesn't blindly follow orders. Need to continue to educate/train on legal questions.
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Corker shifts to modernization. "Would you all agree that continued modernization protects our nation?" They do.
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Thoughts after today's hearing: If the concern is about *this* president's authority to launch nuclear weapons, we have political/constitutional remedies for that.
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If the congress has come to the conclusion at long last that no person should be able to unilaterally order a nuclear 1st strike, that is another matter. With distinct impacts for (extended) deterrence.
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Alternately, what's to stop congress from adopting/declaring a policy of no first use? That would make any order for a first strike, illegal, right? (Providing at least some cover if someone decided not to obey the order.)
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That is basically Lieu-Markey bill. Problem is that all military (incl. under Obama) have repeated rejected NFU policy, so it has been non-starter. I would prefer to disentangle two issues (pres. control and NFU) — you don't need one for other.
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Replying to @wellerstein
how would you like to see them decoupled? (Hard for me to see Congress weighing in first strikes...but I haven't thought about it near as much)
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