The core component of what the "peace" faction of the Japanese high command definitely wanted was a preservation of the Emperor system, and guarantees that the Emperor wouldn't be tried as a war criminal.
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When I explain this to US audiences, I emphasize that this is kind of like insisting that the US be able to retain its Constitution: it's foundational to the concept of the nation. It was seen as absolutely core to Japanese identity, history, and nationhood; i.e., non-negotiable.
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Separate from that, they floated a few other ideas of things they might get to "keep," such as foreign territories and the like. So again, we don't really know what they wanted. It wasn't as simple as an easy guarantee of the Emperor's safety, but that was the core piece.
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The US, it is worth emphasizing, knew about these efforts and these concerns. They had cracked Japanese diplomatic codes well before. They incorporated discussions between the head of the foreign minister and the Japanese ambassador to the USSR into their strategy.
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This is important when considering the US choices of July 1945, esp. at the Potsdam Conference. Truman was lobbied by both the Department of War and Churchill to give some guarantee as to the Emperor's safety in the Potsdam Declaration, as they saw that this was a sticking point.
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Truman, following the advise instead of his Secretary of State, James Byrnes, deliberately decided not to do this. It isn't entirely clear why, but the fact that by then he felt that Japan was likely to surrender without an invasion anyway played into it.
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In one of the few remarks he made about this, he emphasized that "unconditional surrender" was essentially required to offset the Japanese perfidy of Pearl Harbor — that he wanted them to grovel. For whatever that is worth.
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Replying to @wellerstein
Okinawa. Attempted coup by junior officers. Difficult to untangle 73 years later. In the heat of war, nearly impossible. My main reason for agreeing with dropping the bombs, my father.pic.twitter.com/J97Hg7IH7k
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Replying to @notafinger42
Just a brief thing: nobody is actually arguing that a land invasion would have been preferable. The people who argue at least one bomb didn't need to be dropped (which is not what I'm arguing) argue that the war would have ended prior to invasion anyway.
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Replying to @wellerstein @notafinger42
I am sure that your father was told that the bombings saved his life, and I'm sure he believed it. Practically all serviceman in the Pacific were told this, again and again, as part of the effort to justify the bombing. But doing history means looking beyond the official lines.
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Which is just to say: I get this response a lot from people. "My father/grandfather would have died and I wouldn't be here." I totally get where it's coming from. But it doesn't actually resolve the question — it takes more historical digging to figure out if it's *true* or not.
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Replying to @wellerstein @notafinger42
(And to make it crystal clear, because I am prone to being misunderstood: just because I think the "orthodox" narrative about why they dropped the bombs and what happened is wrong doesn't mean I think the opposite narrative is true. I acknowledge the complexities all around.)
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