78/ What is visible (dominant) of power is always mastery. Nietzsche thus accepts the madness of the Antichrist, and this is more than a reversal of the madness of Christ dying for humanity's sins: to assume fascism in history the better to overcome it.
88/ [Translator's note: this is a neologism modeled after Derrida's différance, capturing the silent difference of the a/e in French in the simple graphic shift of e-->a. The coinage of “in?visibility” may be modeled after Deleuze's ?-being in *Difference and Repetition*.]
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89/ Nietzsche invents a new concept of revolution as active resistance to the powers that be, the politics, if it can be called this, of the *resistant quarter* rather than that of the excluded quarter.
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90/ The consequence of this is that the whole remainder of Nietzsche-thought, all of it that becomes visible according to traditional criteria—i.e. nearly “all” of the “doctrine”—is elevated to the state of ideological, relatively (for the revolutionary pole)
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91/ necessary and objective appearance (thus from the point of view of the Quadripartition and its criteria, not from that of the traditional interpreters).
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92/ The other consequence is that this political objective appearance can only be that of Mastery, namely that of its extreme historical form, Fascism.
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93/ We never stop saying with and more so *against* those who more or less overtly consider that Nietzsche is compromised *with* fascism and not just compromised *by* it,
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94/ that his revolutionary power is to have succeeded in elevating fascism to the state of transcendental objective appearance,
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95/ to have been able to turn Mastery into an ideological and ultimately positive appearance, and to turn the ideological appearance into a radically materialist usage.
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96/ The possibility of this understanding must be grasped in the functioning of Nietzsche-thought in general and via the case of Heidegger's interpretation,
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97/ which conjugates the greatest proximity to the truth of Nietzsche and necessarily its greatest, most ingenious falsification. [fn 3]
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98/ [Footnote #2: We haven't finished exploring anti-Niezschean farce. It arises from a shred of courage enriched by Lacanian teaching: *L'Ange* (Lardreau and Jambet).
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99/ Anti-Nietzscheanism inspires fairly dissimilar literatures (albeit not without communication, if we consider the role played by Heidegger in Lacanism): on the one hand, systematic, grandiose misinterpretations, along with Heidegger's memorial faithfulness;
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100/ on the other hand, aggressive stupidity, the bowels abounding in insults, which make *L'Ange* into an anthology of traditional misinterpretations (which are sublated, merely *sublated* or idealized misinterpretations of Lacanism)
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101/ perpetrated on Nietzsche and which prove—big surprise, this is furthermore what Nietzsche wanted, among others, to prove—that the angel thinks basely.
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102/ The theses stated here *for* Nietzschean politics are partly destined to reestablish its truth, i.e. to unmask, up to and including Heidegger, the empirical forms of the most dangerous misunderstanding.]
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103/ No psychological, historicist, ethical, or political critique (in the banal sense) of the interpretation and thought of Heidegger. The Heidegger case is valid due to the geniality in the political exploitation of Nietzschean understanding,
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104/ it marks *the gathering together of the essence of this misunderstanding* and consequently the point of possible transmutation of the relation of falsification to Nietzsche into a relation of authentification,
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105/ starting from which a turn-about (Gegen-Kehre) of Heidegger can begin toward Nietzsche.
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106/ The turn-about then designates a complex operation that consists on the one hand in *reversing* (Um-kehre) the Heideggerian interpretation, in subordinating ontologico-existential thought to the Nietzschean Break
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107/ (which is formulated later on as “politico-libidinal”), and, on the other hand but simultaneously, to *re-inscribe* (Uber-kehre) this Nietzsche-thought in its veritable space, which is that of a politics of Rebellion or of Resistance.
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108/ Why is our complex political conjuncture, which is criss-crossed by a continuous line of fascisization and a differently continuous line of subversion, *interested* in Nietzsche-thought?
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109/ Because Nietzsche's specificity is to *bind*, more intimately, more irremediably than Marx knew how for reasons pertaining to the insufficient historical development of capitalism, this process of fascisization,
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110/ which is henceforth manifest as our horizon, and the political and material conditions of its subversion.
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111/ A little nearer to fascism, a little further away from fascism, in a relation of dangerous but authentic co-belonging, Nietzsche had to incur the risk of having to embrace the adversary in order to smother him.
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112/ Nietzsche's interpreters are the blind victims of this risk, more so than he himself, since he is its consenting victim.
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113/ Few have understood the meaning of the greatest misunderstandings, namely that Nietzsche prefers to flow with the adversary, provided that the adversary drowns: the messenger dies in his message, this is the message of Zarathustra.
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114/ All these historians, these Marxist or Christian critics who accept the shameful task of making him die again, don't they merely account for the fact that they are cruelly trapped by their victim?
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115/ This is what is cheerful in the sleepwalking of Christians and Marxists, the enormous psychodrama that they play out before us by believing to put Nietzsche on trial, and where they only expose how little yet they have overcome the fascism in themselves. [end subsection 5]
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116/ 6. Thus, to think the possibility of subversion, not of mastery in general, but of mastery specified as fascism, the possibility of Revolution, it takes no less than four terms organized into two worlds—or rather, into two poles or two tendencies.
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117/ The whole problem is not to think with bricks: this is to posit Mastery and Rebellion as two worlds transcendent to one another in the gnostic and Manichean manner [Footnote #3: Cf. *L'Ange*].
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118/ Mastery and Rebellion, Fascism and Resistance form the figure of a chiasmus and only involve relations-of-relation. This is why they have to become worlds, there is a becoming-world of fascism, which is produced, never given, or which forms a process.
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