68/ It is important that Nietzsche invest politically from the start the necessary means for reading him or reading whichever author, that he relate the signifying or hermeneutic arrangements of the text to power relations.
77/ how do interpreters, friends, or adversaries allow themselves to be caught in Nietzsche's fascist appearance and reduce his hidden aspect—rebel, let us say provisionally, to all “visibility”—to the “visible” part?
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78/ What is visible (dominant) of power is always mastery. Nietzsche thus accepts the madness of the Antichrist, and this is more than a reversal of the madness of Christ dying for humanity's sins: to assume fascism in history the better to overcome it.
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79/ Why this appearance, this semblance of mastery? Given the fluidity of the internal relations of the Quadripartition, it is impossible to organize them and to master them if not by appearance starting from one of the four terms.
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80/ No doubt, one term is more important, namely the only one that can affirm the Quadripartition as relations: it constitutes the *knot* in which are recut all these relations that break the subject of power in two.
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81/ But if it is important, this is not due to its mastery over the others (although the main term of the opposition, it is rather dominated by the secondary) but instead due to its resistance to the others, its own manner of unsettling their organization into a system.
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82/ Something in “Nietzsche” resists the historian's codes, the rhetorician's formal methods, the fascist's prophetic ravings, the clumsy apparatus of the classical revolutionary, something that no longer returns with the religious belch of the Christo-leftist.
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83/ In this quadrature, what is it that resists in this way and, through its resistance, makes text and thought move in a circle of Eternal return? This is the subversive pole of Nietzsche-thought:
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84/ never given in the surface of the text, no longer localizable by a labor of the signifier, never decipherable by the Marxist political grid, never interpretable as historical meaning. It will however no longer be said, in the manner of modern structuralists,
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85/ that this revolutionary pole, both the part and “whole” of the ERS/WP, is absent or excluded, that it is effective due to its absence, its repression, its invisibility.
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86/ This pole actively resists (i.e. without representing the adversary in an image or a law), this pole forces all the rest of the Nietzschean assemblage [dispositif] to move precisely because it resists the latter.
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87/ It is starting from this resistance that its active absence must be rethought and rewritten as *absance* (why not?), as in?visibility, etc. [fn. 2]
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88/ [Translator's note: this is a neologism modeled after Derrida's différance, capturing the silent difference of the a/e in French in the simple graphic shift of e-->a. The coinage of “in?visibility” may be modeled after Deleuze's ?-being in *Difference and Repetition*.]
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89/ Nietzsche invents a new concept of revolution as active resistance to the powers that be, the politics, if it can be called this, of the *resistant quarter* rather than that of the excluded quarter.
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90/ The consequence of this is that the whole remainder of Nietzsche-thought, all of it that becomes visible according to traditional criteria—i.e. nearly “all” of the “doctrine”—is elevated to the state of ideological, relatively (for the revolutionary pole)
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91/ necessary and objective appearance (thus from the point of view of the Quadripartition and its criteria, not from that of the traditional interpreters).
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92/ The other consequence is that this political objective appearance can only be that of Mastery, namely that of its extreme historical form, Fascism.
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93/ We never stop saying with and more so *against* those who more or less overtly consider that Nietzsche is compromised *with* fascism and not just compromised *by* it,
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94/ that his revolutionary power is to have succeeded in elevating fascism to the state of transcendental objective appearance,
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95/ to have been able to turn Mastery into an ideological and ultimately positive appearance, and to turn the ideological appearance into a radically materialist usage.
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96/ The possibility of this understanding must be grasped in the functioning of Nietzsche-thought in general and via the case of Heidegger's interpretation,
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97/ which conjugates the greatest proximity to the truth of Nietzsche and necessarily its greatest, most ingenious falsification. [fn 3]
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98/ [Footnote #2: We haven't finished exploring anti-Niezschean farce. It arises from a shred of courage enriched by Lacanian teaching: *L'Ange* (Lardreau and Jambet).
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99/ Anti-Nietzscheanism inspires fairly dissimilar literatures (albeit not without communication, if we consider the role played by Heidegger in Lacanism): on the one hand, systematic, grandiose misinterpretations, along with Heidegger's memorial faithfulness;
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100/ on the other hand, aggressive stupidity, the bowels abounding in insults, which make *L'Ange* into an anthology of traditional misinterpretations (which are sublated, merely *sublated* or idealized misinterpretations of Lacanism)
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101/ perpetrated on Nietzsche and which prove—big surprise, this is furthermore what Nietzsche wanted, among others, to prove—that the angel thinks basely.
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102/ The theses stated here *for* Nietzschean politics are partly destined to reestablish its truth, i.e. to unmask, up to and including Heidegger, the empirical forms of the most dangerous misunderstanding.]
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103/ No psychological, historicist, ethical, or political critique (in the banal sense) of the interpretation and thought of Heidegger. The Heidegger case is valid due to the geniality in the political exploitation of Nietzschean understanding,
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104/ it marks *the gathering together of the essence of this misunderstanding* and consequently the point of possible transmutation of the relation of falsification to Nietzsche into a relation of authentification,
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105/ starting from which a turn-about (Gegen-Kehre) of Heidegger can begin toward Nietzsche.
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106/ The turn-about then designates a complex operation that consists on the one hand in *reversing* (Um-kehre) the Heideggerian interpretation, in subordinating ontologico-existential thought to the Nietzschean Break
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107/ (which is formulated later on as “politico-libidinal”), and, on the other hand but simultaneously, to *re-inscribe* (Uber-kehre) this Nietzsche-thought in its veritable space, which is that of a politics of Rebellion or of Resistance.
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