52/ this involves a subordination of textual-linguistic codes (signifier/signified), or hermeneutic codes (signification/meaning, or statements/institution) to “forces,”
61/ For Nietzsche, how is the signifier as well as the signified a specified force or a specified drive whose functional properties the writer and the thinker (but also the reader) have become capable of exploiting?
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62/ Whether they are capable of exploiting them is primarily a problem of power, then a problem of the fascistic or revolutionary use of this power.
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63/ Whether they know it or not, and whether they make a fascistic or subversive usage of Nietzsche, the relation to Nietzsche is a political relation from the start.
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64/ Politics in this new sense is always unavoidable in the relation to any author whatsoever, but the specifics of the relation to Nietzsche is that politics is announced or designated there as constitutive of this relation.
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65/ Nietzsche is the only thinker for whom, even more so than for Marx, *politics is what's at stake* (as cause of the fascistic or rebellious subject),
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66/ i.e. a production both of the dominant power and of anti-power or resistance to dominant forces: each going to the end of what it can do, fascism or revolution. [End of subsection 4]
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67/ 5. Nevertheless, we still have not known the full extent of the Quadripartition.
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