34/ A strange statement is inscribed there, which is neither its social reason in the manner of multinational businesses of imperialism (IBM, ITT), nor the name of its inventor (Turing machine), nor even the denomination of a Party machine (PCF, PS, UDR, etc.),
44/ There is neither—if not merely by abstraction of one term at the expense of the others—a uniformly fascist Nietzsche empowered or compromised by those who want to compromise him, nor a monolithically revolutionary Nietzsche.
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45/ That “Nietzsche” functions implies that the abstract reduction of his thought, for example in the single signifying scene of the ERS, cannot fail to reconstitute a Nietzsche of the Master, a nihilistic and *consequently* fascistic Nietzsche.
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46/ We must from the start relate the *minimal units* (signifying, rhetorical, thematic, etc.) to power relations, which are the agents of Nietzschean politics.
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47/ Inversely, the massively fascistic or revolutionary images of Nietzsche that would not pass through a labor of the text, of the aphorism--be they textual forces related to atextual forces in the last instance--would remain ideological falsifications. [End of subsection 3]
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48/ 4. It is still necessary to posit—in conformity with the internal criteria of the quadripartition or of Nietzschean auto-critique, i.e. in a non-idealist way—the first relation with which everything begins.
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49/ Not to posit it in a manner external to Nietzsche: relation of a reading to a writing, of an expressivity to a labor of the signifier, of a history of themes to the articulation of the metaphorical scenes of the ERS.
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50/ All these oppositions still define—despite themselves but relative to Nietzsche-thought—criteria from outside. This is merely a subordination that does not hang over it or mutilate it:
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End of conversation
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