16/ reading, writing, signifiying practice, or atextual forces can receive a fascistic usage (subordination of the revolutionary pole to the fascistic pole) or a revolutionary pole (inverse subordination).
25/ without also having to enter contradictorily *and without mediation* into an intense scene of forces, drives, relations of power that are no longer textual or signifying “in the last instance.” No possibility of denouncing, like Heidegger, the fascistic positions of Nietzsche
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26/ (for this is indeed what he does: technical machination, worldly planification, planetary organization, exaltation of raw energy) without piling on the limits that affect them (without mediation) with their own subversion, counter-tendency, or militant critique.
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27/ One does not enter into Nietzsche as though into a bourgeois institution, a Marxist apparatus, a historian's corpus, or in the manner in which certain naive interpreters enter into the Eternal Return as though into a windmill.
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28/ Nietzsche is not an individual, but more so a psychologist, an artist, etc., more so complete works, a labor of writing, sufferings, several themes, sources, and premeditations.
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29/ In the sense in which we talk about logical or mathematical machines, reading automata, calculators, infernal machines, there is a “Nietzsche Machine,”
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30/ Machine here first means a set of relations (of power) without terms, criss-crossed in a chiasmus or a problematic. Afterwards, all its cogs are flowing relations, vanishing syntaxes.
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31/ Whence the great (syntactic) rule that a political intervention in Nietzsche must oppose—with its limitless consequences—“readings” and their ideological prejudices:
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32/ there are only relations to be produced, hierarchies, disjunctions, breaks [coupures], inclusions, reversals, re-inscriptions: there is no doctrine, for Nietzsche-thought is a question of immanent syntax and the flowing matter proper to this syntax.
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33/ Ultimately, one piece of the machine is more visible than the others, and this piece serves as the machine's surface of apprehension.
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34/ A strange statement is inscribed there, which is neither its social reason in the manner of multinational businesses of imperialism (IBM, ITT), nor the name of its inventor (Turing machine), nor even the denomination of a Party machine (PCF, PS, UDR, etc.),
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35/ [Translator's note: ITT is the name for the former International Telephone and Telegraph Inc.; PCF is the French Communist Party; PS is the French Socialist Party; UDR is the Union of Democrats for the Republic.]
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36/ which is instead the code name—one which is itself archaic as well as misleading—of a political conspiracy: ERS/WP (Eternal Return of the same, Will to power).
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37/ The *possible* type of opposed but complicit approaches are well known, among which are divided the interpreters of the history of philosophy, and among others those of Nietzsche:
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38/ historicist reading of themes and signifieds, hermeneutic interpretation of meaning, deciphering of signifying scenes, of formal, rhetorical, and philological codes, lexicological quantification, discursive statements and non-discursive institutional formations, etc.
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39/ Other apportionments, other oppositions are possible. It is not a question of massively repressing them, the techniques they make possible are necessary.
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40/ But they are abstract and superficial to fairly various degrees, according to whether they recognize or not, partially or systematically, not only the preceding syntactic rule, but the second great (materialist) rule of the study of his text posited by Nietzsche:
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41/ “it is the Will to power that interprets.” According to whether they relate Nietzsche to himself and to this four-term layout based on this rule of recurrence,
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42/ or according to whether they impose on him their merely technical criteria from outside, taken from already constituted theoretical fields.
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43/ The technical means must be tied together in the political quadripartition. Inversely, the political evaluation of Nietzsche is inseparable from these procedures and their technical apparatuses.
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44/ There is neither—if not merely by abstraction of one term at the expense of the others—a uniformly fascist Nietzsche empowered or compromised by those who want to compromise him, nor a monolithically revolutionary Nietzsche.
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45/ That “Nietzsche” functions implies that the abstract reduction of his thought, for example in the single signifying scene of the ERS, cannot fail to reconstitute a Nietzsche of the Master, a nihilistic and *consequently* fascistic Nietzsche.
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46/ We must from the start relate the *minimal units* (signifying, rhetorical, thematic, etc.) to power relations, which are the agents of Nietzschean politics.
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47/ Inversely, the massively fascistic or revolutionary images of Nietzsche that would not pass through a labor of the text, of the aphorism--be they textual forces related to atextual forces in the last instance--would remain ideological falsifications. [End of subsection 3]
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48/ 4. It is still necessary to posit—in conformity with the internal criteria of the quadripartition or of Nietzschean auto-critique, i.e. in a non-idealist way—the first relation with which everything begins.
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49/ Not to posit it in a manner external to Nietzsche: relation of a reading to a writing, of an expressivity to a labor of the signifier, of a history of themes to the articulation of the metaphorical scenes of the ERS.
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50/ All these oppositions still define—despite themselves but relative to Nietzsche-thought—criteria from outside. This is merely a subordination that does not hang over it or mutilate it:
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End of conversation
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