But bans on "shouting fire in a crowded theater" is simply not a part of US law https://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2012/11/its-time-to-stop-using-the-fire-in-a-crowded-theater-quote/264449/ …
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Thanks for sending; I didn't realize that was the origin of the phrase. I will stop using "crowded theater," as it seems an awful example.
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Replying to @BenSpielberg @verogg and
Makes me happy to know that, to be honest, as I've always thought it was a bad example of what speech one should consider restricting.
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Replying to @BenSpielberg @verogg and
The general point that we do restrict speech stands, though, as does my point that I believe power to be the principle we should emphasize.
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I'm pretty libertarian on free speech. I think anything that's not slander/libel or clear incitements to violence should be protected
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The march yesterday was explicitly about intimidation. The problem with that standard is that the terms you're stating are hard to define.
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But the word "intimidation" is much more vague than incitement as spelled out by the Brandenburg test http://freespeechdebate.com/case/the-brandenburg-test-for-incitement-to-violence/ …
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I mean, it's fairly obvious in this case, given that their words/intent were explicit. It's vague in general, but so is what you linked!
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Replying to @BenSpielberg @verogg and
We can't get away from some amount of vagueness here. The question is about what goal you think we should be striving for.
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Under this standard, what would prevent a GOP politician from declaring socialist rhetoric "incitement" and suppressing it on that ground?
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Or "intimidation," or whatever you're using as the operative word to justify curtailment of speech.
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The same "nothing" that prevents that politician from making nonsensical claims now, under your definition of speech. That's my point.
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Replying to @BenSpielberg @mtracey and
There's no way to definitively prevent abuse of these or any other principles 100% of the time. So our policy should aim at the right goals.
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