Zizek on the violence inherent in universalist ethics, illustrated through an analysis of various ethical stances on clitoridectomy; the violence of knowledge.pic.twitter.com/Z1bY6eapAG
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Zizek on the violence inherent in universalist ethics, illustrated through an analysis of various ethical stances on clitoridectomy; the violence of knowledge.pic.twitter.com/Z1bY6eapAG
off the cuff take: the standard liberal answer presupposes a minimal set of shared values in order to overcome this sort of problem. not so that a 'neutral' POV exists, but so that an 'unobjectionable to us' POV exists.
forgetting, or never noticing, this presupposition, and thus trying to universalize the answer outside of its scope, leads to all sorts of problems
Habermas makes a great argument in "Legitimation Crisis" (which I plan to post about later) that universalist ethics (specifically in the form of "universalist utilitarianism" which leads to bourgeois individualism via formal law) stems from the universality of economic exchange.
& that this particular form of moral unreflectiveness about universalism is essential to the state for retaining mass political legitimacy and furthering economic goals.
hmm, so that the state is co-opting the universality & legitimacy of exchange, and the institutions which support it, in order to grant legitimacy to other institutions and state organs?
e.g. basic private property laws feel natural to us, so we swallow state enforcement. but when people rebel against, e.g., the state granting monopolies or enforcing their preferred moral codes, the state and it's supporters can complain about 'respect for the rule of law'
it's sort of the other way around, according to Habermas, in that the entire function of the state is to preserve the "unequal" distribution of wealth while also granting enough handouts to maintain legitimate. this is only a rough summary of his argument thoo
also I feel this will be discussed in more detail later in the book, so I gotta keep reading before I can give a satisfying answer
the institutional econ guys talk about something related to this, especially Acemoglu & Robinson, and North & Weingast. that gov'ts gain legitimacy with handouts to the supporting coalition.
but as the supporting coalition becomes larger and more undifferentiated, the handouts start looking more and more like public goods that all sides benefit from: police, roads, infrastructure, etc.
they aren't thinking about universalism per se, just precursors to the modern state and econ development, but it all seems tied up together
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