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Jack Santucci
@jacksantucci
Joined July 2008

Jack Santucci’s Tweets

We need fewer candidates, not more. If you are unhappy with "under-representation," your target is party-list proportional representation. This is not an opinion. This is social science.
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Comprehensive defense of fusion as a pro-party reform. Key difference from top-C, approval, IRV, etc. is pre-election coalition. Gets multiple factions to organize parties and (crucially) unite behind one candidate.
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An exciting development in Connecticut with the passage of the state’s own voting rights act. Here’s my paper with on the burgeoning phenomenon of voting rights federalism: papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf
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Captured below is a photo of the historic vote of the Connecticut Legislature that just passed the CT John R. Lewis Voting Rights Act, making CT the sixth state to pick up Congress’s slack by enacting its own VRA. Congratulations, Connecticut!
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A.C. Powell criticized borough-wide seat allocation in 1971 autobiography. Felt it made it hard to practice retail politics. Borough-wide allocation would have been needed to blunt D advantage under single-seat districts — lets reform coalition aggregate votes over large area.
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Original plan for NYC was to adopt council-manager. This didn’t happen. Not sure why. Mayor La Guardia is probable reason — reforms were about bringing council control into line with mayoralty control.
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Very interesting project. Within set of reformed cities, NYC is only I’m aware of that *increased* council size on repealing an ‘alternative’ electoral system. (These alt. systems were baked into said reform packages.)
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Fourth paper at the PE of the Gilded Age & Progressive Era Conference by @sahnicboom on commissions and council-manager systems in the early 20th century. Excellent comments by @danmthomp.
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These are the two positions. We had this debate in the 1940s/50s.
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In Germany and other PR systems, a far-right party gets ~18% of the vote / third place and gets ~18% of the seats / third place. In the US, that same ~18% of the electorate is enough to sweep a major party's primaries and end up in power, no coalition, about half the time. twitter.com/ElectionLawBlo…
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Feels like people have retreated to their corners to rest/figure things out. Does this track?
  • Yes
    47.6%
  • No
    9.5%
  • Show
    42.9%
21 votesFinal results
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Important reading on list-PR.
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This beauty on the link between preference voting and legislator behavior in flexible-list PR systems now has its volume and issue number in @PRQjournal. Give it the love it deserves. #OpenAccess journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.11
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Good thread on districting considerations under a new multi-seat system. It’s common to say that “PR obviates gerrymandering.” Reality is more complicated (even setting aside debates about nature/goodness of “gerrymandering”).
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Portland's proposed district maps have been released. Now what? How do you begin to evaluate these drafts? Here are a few approaches to evaluating district boundaries. Feel free to add to the list! #pdx #orpol (a thread) 1/5
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There are a lot of opportunities for **current grad students** to expand these data sets. I am happy to talk about that, what else I know, how to find stuff, etc. Drop me a line.
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I will be posting data over the summer from More Parties or No Parties. Chs. 1-4 are up: doi.org/10.17605/OSF.I The data may be useful to folks in HPE, APD, APE, urban politics, state politics, election sciences, and comparative institutions.
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The data for Ch. 3 are super interesting. One set lets us study institutional preferences of reformers during “high progressivism.” Data from Los Angeles, 1913. There were 19 propositions: from reformers, incumbents masquerading as reformers, and women’s groups. Here’s a PCA.
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I will be posting data over the summer from More Parties or No Parties. Chs. 1-4 are up: doi.org/10.17605/OSF.I The data may be useful to folks in HPE, APD, APE, urban politics, state politics, election sciences, and comparative institutions.
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Come for the SPM. Stay for the discussion of Maurice.
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Very excited for today's podcast, which is an interview with @laderafrutal about the Seat Product Model, which explains how the shape of an electoral system predicts a country's party system. tallyroom.com.au/51588
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Limited nom rules + at-large seats is a relic (in value-neutral sense) of the postwar party system. Not exclusive to DC. It was a way to have both Rs and Ds in city council. Urban/rural alignment implies oversized and unstable coalitions.
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A reminder that the impact of FPTP in DC is so egregiously lopsided that even Congress, which has never met a non-FPTP system it liked, recognized it needed to guarantee multiparty representation on the city council. twitter.com/DCDemocrats/st…
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