Woke up this morning to learn that my latest article with & Christina Zuber, "Lipset and Rokkan’s Missing Case: Introducing the Habsburg Manifesto Dataset", will be published in Party Politics!
Jack Santucci
@jacksantucci
Joined July 2008
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New paper with in Presidential Studies Quarterly. Analyzing survey data from 26 countries in the Americas and 37 countries in Africa, we find that individuals' democratic values shape views of executive power. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.111
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Here at , I'm looking forward to hearing from on ways we can fix our fraying democracy. Should be a great lecture and conversation!
Come on out tomorrow, Tuesday 6/13 at 4:00pm Eastern - or join us live streaming! mediacentrallive.princeton.edu/events/2023/mo
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We're excited to announce that we launched a new interactive Shiny app: chesdata.shinyapps.io/Shiny-CHES/
You can make simple bar graphs & scatterplots to use for quick analysis or teaching demonstrations.
You can also access it via chesdata.eu under the CHES Interactive tab.
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🟢New open access article at using : Hierarchical Bayesian Aldrich-McKelvey Scaling.
The new model (HBAM) and its #rstats package allow for more accurate estimation of ideological positions using survey data. Key findings and model details 👇
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It's official: "Ideology in Canadian Municipal Politics" is forthcoming at ! Very excited for this book to be out in the world later this year.
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We need fewer candidates, not more. If you are unhappy with "under-representation," your target is party-list proportional representation. This is not an opinion. This is social science.
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A lot to unpack from an election science perspective, here is my first take
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Fragmentation is already here, as notes: journalofdemocracy.org/articles/the-a. Question is how to respond to it.
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Comprehensive defense of fusion as a pro-party reform. Key difference from top-C, approval, IRV, etc. is pre-election coalition. Gets multiple factions to organize parties and (crucially) unite behind one candidate.
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I'm thrilled my book "Nasty Politics: The Logic of Insults, Threats, and Incitement" is available for pre-order (July 6 release)!
Oxford U Press tinyurl.com/5duafmt9
Bookshop tinyurl.com/mr43hwsy
Amazon tinyurl.com/4wpd5ybj
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An exciting development in Connecticut with the passage of the state’s own voting rights act.
Here’s my paper with on the burgeoning phenomenon of voting rights federalism:
papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf
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Captured below is a photo of the historic vote of the Connecticut Legislature that just passed the CT John R. Lewis Voting Rights Act, making CT the sixth state to pick up Congress’s slack by enacting its own VRA. Congratulations, Connecticut!
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Plugging some of my research with and Jamie Carson. It isn’t uncommon to vote no on important procedural votes, as long as the votes still pass! In this we examined Democratic votes and show moderates more likely to defect shareok.org/bitstream/hand 1/2
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A.C. Powell criticized borough-wide seat allocation in 1971 autobiography. Felt it made it hard to practice retail politics.
Borough-wide allocation would have been needed to blunt D advantage under single-seat districts — lets reform coalition aggregate votes over large area.
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Original plan for NYC was to adopt council-manager. This didn’t happen. Not sure why. Mayor La Guardia is probable reason — reforms were about bringing council control into line with mayoralty control.
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Very interesting project. Within set of reformed cities, NYC is only I’m aware of that *increased* council size on repealing an ‘alternative’ electoral system. (These alt. systems were baked into said reform packages.)
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Fourth paper at the PE of the Gilded Age & Progressive Era Conference by @sahnicboom on commissions and council-manager systems in the early 20th century. Excellent comments by @danmthomp.
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Gosnell’s review of Hermens (1941): “proportional representation is not that important.” chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewconten Gosnell was writing in a context of polarization on the ‘PR idea.’
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Congratulations to This is a major work, and extremely important intervention in the increasing debate over constitutional reform in the United States penned by a leading law and public choice scholar.
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I'm beyond thrilled to share this news!
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read image description
ALT
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, and I co-edit the Campaigns & Elections Elements series. We are looking for proposals - if you've got a project for our series, get in touch!
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These are the two positions. We had this debate in the 1940s/50s.
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In Germany and other PR systems, a far-right party gets ~18% of the vote / third place and gets ~18% of the seats / third place. In the US, that same ~18% of the electorate is enough to sweep a major party's primaries and end up in power, no coalition, about half the time. twitter.com/ElectionLawBlo…
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Feels like people have retreated to their corners to rest/figure things out. Does this track?
- Yes47.6%
- No9.5%
- Show42.9%
21 votesFinal results
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“The wait was worth it: new Obama oral histories have a ton to say about climate change”
link.medium.com/aBZ6AsWokAb
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Of course, the steering of projects away from marginal seats presupposes disciplined parties, which not all FPTP countries have. Rather than electoral systems, I might consider the capacity of govts to target funds at certain geographic areas: more capacity = less NIMBYism ..?
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Important reading on list-PR.
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This beauty on the link between preference voting and legislator behavior in flexible-list PR systems now has its volume and issue number in
@PRQjournal. Give it the love it deserves. #OpenAccess
journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.11
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Good thread on districting considerations under a new multi-seat system. It’s common to say that “PR obviates gerrymandering.” Reality is more complicated (even setting aside debates about nature/goodness of “gerrymandering”).
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Portland's proposed district maps have been released.
Now what? How do you begin to evaluate these drafts? Here are a few approaches to evaluating district boundaries. Feel free to add to the list! #pdx #orpol
(a thread)
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There are a lot of opportunities for **current grad students** to expand these data sets. I am happy to talk about that, what else I know, how to find stuff, etc. Drop me a line.
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I will be posting data over the summer from More Parties or No Parties. Chs. 1-4 are up: doi.org/10.17605/OSF.I
The data may be useful to folks in HPE, APD, APE, urban politics, state politics, election sciences, and comparative institutions.
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One last one for now. List of cities combining rudimentary form of RCV with commission form of local gov’t. osf.io/gxpj4
Big thanks to for research assistance (and work on a related MPSA paper). Admit him to a PhD program.
CC
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Also have “yes” shares on winning/losing STV charters. osf.io/kf3cp
Could be fun for the RDD crowd. Not sure if there’s enough power. I did some RDDs with spending for a bit.
I also think there’s a ‘structural break’ in what we should expect. This is around 1930.
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As an aside on the above: party-list PR was competing with districts-plus-at-large (AKA “mixed system” in modern urbanist parlance). CC
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The data for Ch. 3 are super interesting.
One set lets us study institutional preferences of reformers during “high progressivism.” Data from Los Angeles, 1913. There were 19 propositions: from reformers, incumbents masquerading as reformers, and women’s groups. Here’s a PCA.
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I will be posting data over the summer from More Parties or No Parties. Chs. 1-4 are up: doi.org/10.17605/OSF.I
The data may be useful to folks in HPE, APD, APE, urban politics, state politics, election sciences, and comparative institutions.
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Why did some conservative Republicans like vote to raise the debt limit & others like opposed?
The personal investments of many GOP House members would have suffered if the US defaulted.
More in this article by & me:
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Come for the SPM. Stay for the discussion of Maurice.
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Eli is a top-notch scholar! Definitely knows his stats.
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@emckowndawson presents work on RCV and voter confusion joint with @LonnaAtkeson, @jacksantucci, @KyleLSaunders!
Clear-cut, impressive presentation from an
undergraduate
student. Kudos to Eli!
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🔥🔥🔥
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People say polarization is bad. And people say higher turnout is good. But they are linked.

twitter.com/MattGrossmann/…
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I cover some of that history here: doi.org/10.1093/oso/97. Others may know more. I’d be interested to hear.
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Nonpartisan analogue is “limited voting” (e.g., “vote for 6 of 9”). Absence of formal nominations obviates limiting those.
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At-large permits a dispersed group to aggregate its votes citywide. Limited nomination theoretically stops it from winning every seat.
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Limited nom rules + at-large seats is a relic (in value-neutral sense) of the postwar party system. Not exclusive to DC. It was a way to have both Rs and Ds in city council.
Urban/rural alignment implies oversized and unstable coalitions.
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A reminder that the impact of FPTP in DC is so egregiously lopsided that even Congress, which has never met a non-FPTP system it liked, recognized it needed to guarantee multiparty representation on the city council. twitter.com/DCDemocrats/st…
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