To me, that was persuasive, even though the larger picture around ideology and vote choice is complicated: Brown wins in OH, Baldwin wins in WI, Katie Porter wins in OC, min wage/Medicaid ballot/criminal justice ballot initiatives win, but then the Justice Dem candidates lose.
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People forget that voters in Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Detroit, and Milwaukee are also critical to activate toward statewide counts in the presidential primaries and generals. Those cities were not really in play in the 2018 House midterms.
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I get looking at the '18 House races, but also suspect there's a real limit here, just given that House candidates struggle for media attention and visibility and can be not much more than names on a ballot for voters, while WH nominees become celebrity-like figures.
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I agree, that's an important difference. That's why I use those races (and the argument that surrounded them) as just one piece in a broader suite of evidence.
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@DaveWeigel: If the premise is that progressive nominees have trouble winning in competitive red districts, then we should look at the races where the Democrats nominated a progressive in competitive red districts. Theee were very, very few. The article mentions... -
Eastman, which is fair. But it also mentions Ojeda, who did really well in an EXTREMELY red district that Trump won by 20 pts or more. Another progressive nominee was Mike Levin who did flip a red seat. The statistics cited in that article are bullshit because almost all of...
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What about medicaid expansion wins in 5 red states? He doesn't write about that at all.
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Medicaid expansion was driven by Dems across the board, it wasn't a specifically progressive push, it attracted mainstream activists
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in the middle of my customary farrago of lies I like to smuggle in the occasional true fact, just to keep readers off balance
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This but unironically
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