I was surprised/bummed to learn that a large police body camera RCT in DC[1] found no significant effects on use of force, complaints, etc—& similar results in London [2]. But a Rio de Janeiro study[3] found huge impact. I wonder why so different… (links to papers in thread)
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A broader review of the literature [4] suggests that the data's pretty muddled, possibly because of discretion in when the cameras are turned on. Naively, that makes me wonder whether there's some reasonable solution for keeping them on all the time "when in the field".
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Or maybe cameras just represent an unhelpful wish for a simple technological silver bullet to a complex problem. 🤔
[1] pnas.org/content/116/21
[2] law.harvard.edu/programs/olin_
[3] povgov.com/storage/upload
[4] researchgate.net/profile/Megan_
(Found [1] via via —thanks!)
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One plausible suggestion from is that while body cameras may not move general use-of-force metrics, they can mitigate very serious infractions (e.g. body cams have caught officers planting incriminating evidence). cato.org/blog/body-came
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My guess is that body cameras are necessary but not sufficient. As we've seen, footage of misconduct rarely leads directly to censure in the most problematic American precincts, but I expect the areas they have been useful already had strong disciplinary programs in place.
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I think it if it were in the police contract that any civilian complaints when a body cam was off or “not working” or obscured would result in automatic firing of the officer, they’d work GREAT.
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