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Amy King
@amysarahking
Associate Professor, Australian National University. DECRA/Westpac Research Fellow. Author of China-Japan Relations after World War Two (Cambridge, 2016)
Canberra, Australiaamykingonline.comJoined November 2011

Amy King’s Tweets

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How did China work with the US to shape the post-WWII economic order? In my new paper , “Power, shared ideas and order transition”, I focus on how weak and powerful states work together to shape an order’s shared ideas. It’s available at doi.org/10.1177/135406 A 🧵
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My review considers how Kelly’s book reshapes our understanding of China’s relationship to the global economy, and how Mao's China learned to live with the tensions posed by capitalist trade. 3/3
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This terrific book effectively dismantles the dominant narrative that Maoist China was detached from the capitalist world, showing instead the people, policies, and institutions that made possible China's trade with the West and Japan. 2/3
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I am delighted to have joined a group of outstanding historians and political scientists as part of a new H-Diplo Roundtable on Jason Kelly’s Market Maoists: The Communist Origins of China’s Capitalist Ascent. issforum.org/roundtables/PD 1/3
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Roundtable @SHAFRhistorians @HDiplo on Jason Kelly's Market Maoists is just out! issforum.org/roundtables/PD Many thanks to @amysarahking Mao Lin, Chris Reardon, Greg Lewis and Zhang Shu Guang for participating!
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What a terrific resource - thanks for sharing this
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I couldn't find a copy for years, but with the help of the amazing @FairbankCenter Fung Librarian Nancy Hearst I was finally able to get my hands on Roderick MacFarquhar's legendary syllabus "Chinese Authors on Chinese Politics." Here it is:
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Thrilled we can finally make this happen! Join us for Rana Mitter's rescheduled Morrison Lecture on internationalism, identity and ideology in postwar China, Thu 3 Nov 7-8.30pm AEST eventbrite.com.au/e/internationa
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👇Don't miss Prof Rana Mitter's rescheduled Morrison Lecture on Thu 3 Nov 7–8:30pm AEST! Register now bit.ly/3CP24U4
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2 years on from publication, I'd suggest our ideational framework on developmentalism, security partnerships, and sovereign equality in Xi’s China remains more effective in delineating China’s major relationships than ‘new Cold War’ or ‘authoritarian versus liberal’ tropes.
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I’m honoured to have been shortlisted for the John Peterson Best Article Prize 2021 for my article with Rosemary Foot on “China’s world view in the Xi Jinping Era: Where do Japan, Russia and the USA fit?” 🧵
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Congratulations too to other shortlisted authors and papers: Rosemary Foot and @amysarahking - China’s world view in the Xi Jinping Era: Where do Japan, Russia and the USA fit? journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.11
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Look forward to reading this
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In the most recent issue of the @AmHistReview, I review a number of exceptional new entries in Southeast Asian history by Christian Lentz, @taomo_zhou, and Talitha Espiritu, arguing that each engages in a form of "grounded theorization" that vindicates the area studies model.
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I am delighted to announce that the ANU's 83rd annual George E. Morrison Lecture will be delivered by Oxford's Rana Mitter on Thursday 22 September. Please join us for this exciting online event.
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In this lecture, Prof. Rana Mitter will discuss the thinking of Chinese Government ministers, idealistic revolutionaries, and other groups who shaped postwar China – and suggests that those debates have come back to haunt their 21st-century successors. 👉bit.ly/3pMsek1
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10/ A focus on the shared dynamics of international order transition allows us to capture the messy, interactive, and social ways in which weak and powerful states work together to shape international orders.
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9/ So, while subordinate states do have agency in shaping international order transitions – including the capacity to resist key ordering ideas – their agency is less straightforwardly linear than third-wave norm diffusion scholars have suggested.
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8/ When studying international order transitions, we need to think carefully about the complex entanglement between subordinate state ideas and superordinate state power and knowledge systems. In other words, we can’t just refer to a “Chinese idea” (or an “Australian idea” etc).
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7/ US and Chinese ideas also converged on key issues. Sometimes China consciously chose to amplify US ideas for financial or status reasons. But sometimes Chinese ideas were unconsciously shaped by US power structures (its universities, ‘money doctors’, and gate-keeping role).
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6/ When US and Chinese ideas diverged, Chinese officials grafted their ideas onto US ones, or appropriated US ideas to delegitimise and resist US ones. This let China inject a focus on the needs and status of war-torn, post-colonial, developing states into the post-war order.
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