1/4 - On "absolute power corrupts absolutely" - this is a valid insight, but it has three valid interpretations and another (the most common) which is backwards
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And (finally), there is a version related to "hard times make hard men"; superfluous power abets carelessness, while challenges inspire severity and piety Note that Acton's examples are not what we would call "absolute monarchs" (e.g., William III)
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5/4 PS - Also worth noting Acton is not asking whether *giving ppl more power is good or bad*, but how to write about them (as a historian) He rejects out of hand the Nixon defense (if the president did it, it's no crime)
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6/4 e.g. if a statesman has enemies assassinated or has foreigners kidnapped and killed, that is noteworthy Not a moral judgment of statesmen so much as metaethical pt about gathering the data on which we judge him (eg: which gov'ts kill more ppl? first, tally deaths)
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7/4 Acton goes overboard in saying one crime overshadows a whole career (what high standards we had!), showing some of the presumption Creighton worried about But he is surely right to say we must look at such acts with open eyes
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i don't follow
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oh I see what you mean. Before the coronation you need to claim a 1M-man army, and that's a sort of organized lie that gives all the liars informal power?
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i'm not exactly following the parallelism, but I assume we agree - I wrote about the way traditions/fibs intersect with bureaucratic power here:https://quaslacrimas.wordpress.com/2017/04/14/early-modern-statecraft-and-statecruft/ …
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Right, ppl just don't get mean reversion That said, formalists can't afford to be pollyanna-ish about succession disputes. Kings worry about dukes with good reason
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