Again, it’s not severity, it’s a categorical difference. Bad policy is not like undermining the constitutional order. Also, as @paulkrugman said the other day, with Trump it’s not different solutions to problems, it’s making up problems that don’t exist.
and perhaps uniting behind particular universal policy commitments - e.g., eradication of poverty, drive for equality, increased educational access - and a politics that seeks to preserve disparate identities, and valorizes those in political, moral & epistemic terms, making 2/
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them the organizing principle of any political engagement. The first can aim towards hegemony in the Gramscian sense (i.e., it seeks to build a single unified movement that dominates the ideological terrain). The second will inevitably flounder precisely in the relations...
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of inclusion and exclusion it fosters. The second is characteristic of identity politics. Hegemonic interventions don't have to be class aligned. For example, the sociologist Stuart Hall conceptualised Thatcherism as a hegemonic project (authoritarian populism).
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And I don't think you're ignorant, by any means. It's just identity and politics is the subject of my PhD so I think I have the advantage. Sorry, but there you go.
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And you obviously have loads more knowledge in that area. But we’re not having an academic discussion here, neither am I questioning your expertise. Also, your expertise in a discipline is separate from the discipline’s foundations. And I have a handy example...
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...because my own PhD is in the area of economics that models the economy as a collection of perfectly rational agents with perfect foresight. I’d say I know a lot about such models. Yet, if an intelligent layperson questions the very foundations of that theory...
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I take your point. But Weberian ideal types are not the same sort of thing as economics models (though they appear to be superficially). There's a brief discussion Wiki: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideal_type
End of conversation
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