Maybe New Hampshire is an outlier, but Klobuchar's late surge there somewhat undermines this part of the case.https://twitter.com/MaggieAstor/status/1235631999173513217 …
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En réponse à @HotlineJosh
"Can" become, not "will always." There are certainly exceptions, but the phenomenon is very real — can see it in voter interviews and in polls showing huge gaps between people who say they'd vote for a woman and people who think their neighbors would vote for a woman.
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En réponse à @MaggieAstor
NH has shown greater propensity to support women candidates; its entire governing slate (GOV, Senate, House) were women in 2014. but still think it's notable that these same voters rejected Buttigieg/Biden for Klobuchar. Undermines the general theory in real life.
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En réponse à @HotlineJosh
Worth noting, certainly. But I disagree that one surge in one state — which, as you said, has shown greater propensity to support women, and where Buttigieg still finished ahead of Klobuchar — undermines the general theory in the face of opposing evidence elsewhere.
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En réponse à @MaggieAstor
the other countervailing evidence is just how well Dem Congressional candidates did against men in the 2018 Congressional primaries. There may be more of an executive (vs. legislative) bias, but there are a whole lot of downballot data points that can't be ignored.
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En réponse à @HotlineJosh
There is definitely evidence for more bias in executive races — lots of good research in that area by
@BLFF_org. Broadly, though, I think we're kind of making two separate arguments... 1/22 réponses 0 Retweet 1 j'aime
The fundamental argument I'm making—that "electability" concerns tend to work to women's detriment—doesn't mean women can't overcome them or even, if the right factors come together, turn electability to their advantage. It means electability is commonly an obstacle for women.
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