A thread, to explain this more: Of course, India's new moves are different in some ways to Myanmar's. On face of it, India claims this law grants asylum to persecuted religious minorities But rhetoric, areas it targets, who it excludes threatens future similar to Rohingya's
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Arakan is on Bangladesh's southeastern frontier (Chittagong) with Myanmar Assam on Bangladesh's northeastern frontier (Sylhet) During "British India", which covered Burma, Chittagong was joined w/ Arakan and Sylhet w/ Assam Existing borders ignore history, including pre-British
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So when Myanmar or India talk about illegal Bangladeshi migration and point as evidence towards a minority on their side of the border who don't look like others/speak different language/practice different religion, that's not proof of anything but that a new border came down
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Fear of India's new law is how it interacts w/ rhetoric about "infiltrators". Modi himself targeted Muslims in Assam, including right after 30+ massacred in May 2015, just before he became PM Because citizenship law excludes Muslims, it challenges their right to belong to India
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Citizenship law grants safety to persecuted minorities - ok. But excludes Muslims. So Muslims who are deemed not citizens cannot get citizenship Alongside this, India asks people in Assam to prove they are citizens. But not everyone has paperwork. 2 million don't make the cut
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So like that, citizenship is gone. Because they couldn't prove they belong, they can be called infiltrators, they can be sent to detention centres being built now But everyone knows paperwork isn't always accessible. For e.g. my dad born in Sylhet didn't have his birth recorded
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Even if you have paperwork, a state with set intentions can change what it decides to accept, or simply just ignore India, for example, ruled village-level residency certificates could not be used to prove citizenship. But they were the only document many poor people had.
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I met a Rohingya man called Mustak Ahmed who spent his whole life trying to keep up with Myanmar's changing rules. He and his father had meticulously documented everything. Their documents were approved in 1978 operation but then cancelled out when Myanmar changed law in 1982
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Like India says now, the 1982 law was supposed to allow Rohingya to still get a kind of second-class citizenship if they prove belonging (Aung San Suu Kyi referenced this in the genocide hearing) But when Mustak Ahmed applied in 1989, with 100 years of paperwork, it was ignored
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Kraj razgovora
Novi razgovor -
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Both of these atrocities were possible only because the traitors of Ummah became rulers. They keep silent or do lip service but refrain from moving their armies. In past when Roman General tried to dishonor a Muslimah, Mohtasim sent the biggest army to avenge
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