The fact that we're talking about "popularism" now when putative moderates are spiking popular programs is proof that so-called popularism serves the ideological function of shielding party leaders from criticism.https://twitter.com/SeanMcElwee/status/1446904910130331656 …
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That’s not it, Jeet. It’s quite specific—Dems shouid talk up left-¥Iverson economics whhh UI ch is quite popular, and not talk up immigration reform or “Defund” which is not. I’m confident that, like his analysis or not,
@davidshor is not holding up Sibema as an exemplary Dem pol -
But in the actual existing party, Shor doesn't get to set set the parameters of those who define themselves as moderates and base their political identity on that. Sinema deploys the signs of "moderation" (picks fight with party, concern for deficit, anti-filibuster).
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This is wrong. The argument is you run a Tester in Montana, a Biden in the general. Maybe Cuellar in Texas. No one with any standing in the party supports what Sinema is doing and everyone not on her staff hates her. She really doesn’t represent anything in this debate.
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She represents what a fatal error it is to choose the wrong candidate and WIN with that candidate.
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That moderates in the party regularly act contrary to “popularist ideology” seems to me to indicate a problem with the popularist suggestion that democrats should run moderates, as jeet notes, rather than the idea that democrats should find popularist moderates (liberals).
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Bipartisanship, party independence, and "fiscal responsibility" are broadly popular characteristics in a candidate, but so are policy preferences those characteristics make impossible. Seems to me one flaw in the "popularism" theory is its inability to square this circle.
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I don’t think you understand what they’re arguing, Jeet.
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